United Front Work, not Propagandism, is Key to Revolutionary Agitation
The "Revolutionary Communist International" can learn from the United Front
Reports from a recent women’s protest, part of the Non una di meno movement, describe members of the Revolutionary Communist International (RCI), being shouted down by other participants. For socialists whose strategic approach is rooted in principles of the united front and active engagement in mass movements, this incident—though perhaps surprising to the RCI—could likely be seen as a predictable outcome of a political practice often criticised as propagandism or sectarianism. Drawing on texts outlining revolutionary strategy, gathered together in the IIRE’s book Unity and Strategy, less sectarian socialists could articulate the RCI’s misstep in several key ways.
From this perspective, the fundamental error is likely a failure to properly apply the united front tactic. The united front is not about merging political programmes, but about uniting the broadest possible forces—including reformists and those with limited political consciousness—around specific, limited demands that arise from the concrete situation. Its purpose is to enable effective collective struggle and, crucially, win influence among wider layers by demonstrating that revolutionaries are the most effective fighters for these demands. The tactic is intended to expose the unwillingness of reformist leaders to fight for workers’ interests and to win their supporters to revolutionary politics. Being shouted down suggests that the RCI did not appear as the most consistent or effective fighters for the immediate goals of that specific protest, but rather as an external force disrupting the existing unity.
This perceived detachment often stems from an approach labelled propagandism or abstract propagandism. Propagandism is criticised when it prioritises the presentation of socialist ideas and the revolutionary programme in an abstract way, without sufficient engagement in everyday struggles. It becomes a substitute for the challenging but necessary work of connecting with the class in its concrete experiences. Simply displaying a distinct banner or issuing broad, even correct, criticisms of the government and defenses of rights can fall into this category if not grounded in practical engagement. While propaganda is essential, it must be integrated with agitation—intervening in live struggles with communist positions. The sources stress that the action of sectarian formalists often "begins and ends... on the printed page," contrasting sharply with the need for concrete political work and building a mass base.
Revolutionary strategy requires being present and active within mass organisations and movements where wider layers of the working class and oppressed are assembled. This involves patiently explaining socialist ideas, connecting them to the “everyday aspirations and worries of working people,” and participating in struggles that people regard as of primary importance. Presence alone is not enough: the key lies in how one intervenes. Using a movement as a passive audience or sounding board for one’s programme—detached from the movement’s shared, immediate aims—alienates potential allies rather than winning them.
The RCI’s experience may reflect a form of sectarianism, marked by either abstention from mass movements or intervention from an ultra-left perspective. This leads to sectarian irrelevance. Sectarianism can take the form of rigid doctrinal purity or an unwillingness to work patiently with those who do not yet fully embrace a revolutionary programme. While it is necessary to offer a perspective beyond the spontaneous consciousness of the masses, revolutionaries must do so by intervening in their daily strife. That the RCI’s presence was perceived as alien to the point of being marginalised and excluded suggests both bureaucratic absolutism on the part of the organizers, and from the RCI a disconnect rooted in sectarianism, rather than a committed effort to build unity in action. The Trotskyist tradition explicitlys warn against sectarianism and abstract propagandism in relation to mass organisations.
Rather than pursuing excessive visibility or emphasising the group's distinct identity—as may have occurred in this case—the priority should be on becoming the most active and consistent advocates of a united front. Leadership is demonstrated not by proclaiming one’s programme from the sidelines but by being the most committed and effective participants in shared struggles. It is through these common experiences in fighting for immediate demands that revolutionary consciousness is developed and support is won.
In summary, other socialists, drawing on the strategic lessons contained in the movements century-long struggle for the united front, would likely interpret the RCI’s mistake as a failure to apply the principles of the united front and mass work. By appearing to prioritise distinct group visibility or abstract programmatic assertions over patient integration, relationship-building, and unity around the protest’s concrete demands, the RCI’s intervention was experienced as sectarian and propagandistic—ultimately alienating the very forces it sought to influence.
Documents on the United Front
“Class Unity, the Working-Class United Front and the Allies of the Proletariat” (Fourth International)
A central piece in the IIRE’s book Unity and Strategy, this selection from the FI’s 1979 resolution on Europe, outlines the united front as a dynamic tactic involving a combination of actions, methods, and slogans. It emphasises uniting the widest forces around specific, limited demands and working both within and independently of existing workers’ organisations to advance struggle.“On the United Front: Material for a Report on the Question of French Communism” (Leon Trotsky)
Trotsky presents theses explaining that leading the revolution requires engaging the majority of the working class and coordinating collective actions, even with opportunist forces. The document stresses the importance of correlating revolutionary activity with the realities of the class, including within trade unions and broader political life.“What Next? Vital Questions for the German Proletariat” (Leon Trotsky)
A polemic that provides a historical analysis of the united front, its purposes, and applications. Trotsky describes the tactic as a way to prove willingness to fight for shared aims, connect with the class’s actual condition, and expose reformist sabotage. He identifies soviets as the highest form of the united front in revolutionary periods.“The Communist International and the United Front” (Duncan Hallas)
This piece evaluates the early Comintern’s practice of the united front, drawing lessons from both correct applications and errors, such as ultra-leftism in Italy and Germany.“The United Front for Defence: A Letter to a Social Democratic Worker” (Leon Trotsky)
A concise appeal for unity against fascism, especially relevant to understanding how the united front operates in moments of sharp confrontation with the far right.“Some Comments on Party Policy and Tactics in the Antiwar Movement” (Tom Kerry)
A practical application of the united front in the antiwar movement. Kerry defends the tactic against critics who argued it was irrelevant without a mass revolutionary party, showing how it helped prevent the imposition of narrow, programmatic unity.