The Sinn Féin Dilemma

Learning from Labour's Past to Forge a Real Left Future

A significant shift defines the contemporary Irish political landscape: Sinn Féin (SF) has emerged as the largest party across the island, North and South, and is now seen as the most likely replacement for the long-dominant Fianna Fáil (FF) and Fine Gael (FG) coalition [Rupture 11, 2024]. This rise has been fueled by a strategy that saw the party adopt a "talk left" rhetoric since the 2008 financial crash, presenting themselves as a voice for "ordinary people" against the "old boy's club" [Rupture 11, 2024]. They are particularly popular among young people and working-class communities [Rupture 11, 2024].

However, this ascendancy presents a profound dilemma for those advocating for genuine socialist change. The central question is whether Sinn Féin, a party that has notably shifted to the right, can truly lead a "left government" that breaks with capitalism, or if its trajectory mirrors the cautionary tale of the Irish Labour Party's historical compromises.

Sinn Féin's Rightward Drift and the "Creative Illusions" Debate

Despite its popular appeal, Sinn Féin has increasingly demonstrated a pro-capitalist orientation, especially since Mary Lou McDonald's leadership. Mainstream media, once hostile, now treats Sinn Féin's policies with "increasing credibility," noting that the party "now resembles Fine Gael and Fianna Fáil far more closely than Irish left-wing parties" on issues like corporate tax and EU policy [Socialist Alternative, 2023]. Pearse Doherty, Sinn Féin’s finance spokesperson, explicitly states that "Sinn Féin are pro-business" and aims to "balance the books," echoing neoliberal tropes [Socialist Alternative, 2023]. This shift extends to defence arrangements, with Sinn Féin dropping pledges to withdraw from EU and NATO military agreements [Rupture 11, 2024].

This reality has sparked a crucial debate on the socialist left, particularly between People Before Profit (PBP) and the Socialist Party (SP), part of which we discussed in an earlier post. The Socialist Party, through figures like Eddie McCabe, accuses PBP of "sowing illusions in Sinn Féin" and holding a "mistaken view of what Sinn Féin is" [Rupture 11, 2024]. They argue that Sinn Féin's "political programme and approach are closer to those of these capitalist parties" and that anyone expecting radical change will be "seriously disappointed" [Socialist Alternative, 2023]. They highlight Sinn Féin's willing implementation of austerity policies in the North while in coalition with the DUP, rather than being forced into it [Socialist Alternative, 2023]. The Socialist Party contends that Sinn Féin's "moderate left strategy is evidence of its already having succumbed to capitalist pressure" [Socialist Alternative, 2023].

PBP, represented by Aprille Scully and Diarmuid Flood, defends its approach as "harnessing creative illusions" [Rupture 11, 2024]. They contend that while socialists may understand Sinn Féin's pro-capitalist nature, the majority of working-class people do not, and instead harbor hopes for real change from a Sinn Féin-led government [Rupture 11, 2024]. PBP's pamphlet, "The Case for a Left Government," outlines a radical programme for a 'left government' committed to breaking with capitalism and supported by a mass movement, but simultaneously focuses on a Sinn Féin-led government despite Sinn Féin leaders’ opposition to such a programme [Rupture 11, 2024; Socialist Alternative, 2023]. PBP argues for engaging with the popular desire for a non-FF/FG government in a "positive and principled way," aiming to "mobilise this hope into a movement" while simultaneously exposing the "growing gap between voters' aspirations and the Sinn Féin leadership's plans" [Rupture 11, 2024]. This "creative illusion" helps to "set people into motion against the traditional establishment parties" and imbues a sense that "an alternative sort of government is necessary and possible" [Rupture 4, 2021].

The Socialist Party, however, views PBP's tactics as "misleading and counterproductive," leading to "demoralisation" that could benefit the right-wing establishment and far-right forces [Socialist Alternative, 2023]. They argue that focusing on a Sinn Féin-led "left government" is fundamentally contradictory, as a true left government must be anti-capitalist [Socialist Alternative, 2023]. The Socialist Party also notes that PBP's public statements often don't include criticisms of Sinn Féin or the necessity to challenge capitalism, leading to what they call an "opportunist approach" that reinforces illusions rather than challenging them [Socialist Party, 2024].

Learning from Labour's Cautionary Past

To understand the potential pitfalls of Sinn Féin's current path, it is vital to examine the historical trajectory of the Irish Labour Party and other self-proclaimed socialist parties. This article aims to draw out these pitfalls by using Fourth Internationalist resources from the 1970s and 1980s, especially Socialist Republic (SR). Rayner Lysaght's "The Republic of Ireland" offers a comprehensive class analysis, indicating how the revolutionary socialist potential of Irish workers was undermined not only by external forces but also by the "unwillingness of the labour and union leaderships to step forward as an opposition to the new capitalist state" [Lysaght, 2021].

The Labour Party, from its establishment as a parliamentary force in 1912, has grappled with its role in a capitalist state. Historically, Labour often abstained from key national struggles or entered into coalitions with bourgeois parties, which proved detrimental to its socialist credentials [Lysaght, 2021]. For example, Labour's participation in a coalition government with Fine Gael in 1973 led it to be widely perceived as "the party of rising prices, unemployment, capitulation to Britain and to repression" [The Plough, 1973]. This alignment with "pro-imperialist" and "anti-working class" policies exemplifies a "failure of nerve" and a "basic political failure" by Labour leaders, who often reduced socialist goals to seeking reforms within the existing system [SR, March 1982]. This shift led to a "crisis of direction" for the party and a gradual erosion of its urban working-class support base [SR, March 1982].

A more direct and instructive parallel for Sinn Féin's current trajectory can be drawn from the "resistable rise of Sinn Féin The Workers' Party" (formerly Official Sinn Féin) [SR, March 1982]. This party, which aimed to fuse republicanism and socialism, eventually softened its stance on the national question and came to view economic imperialism in a "more positive light," even hailing multinationals as "saviours of the Irish people" [SR, March 1982]. They adopted a "pragmatism" that prioritized what "works," regardless of its ideological implications, ultimately sharing a "disdain for popular mass action" with the Labour Party, leading them down "the same road" of political marginalization [SR, March 1982]. This SFWP also consistently denied the political status of prisoners, calling them "ordinary criminals," a stance fundamentally incompatible with a left-wing position [SR, Oct 1982; SR, 1982 no.1]. Such historical examples perhaps frames the Socialist Party's warning that PBP risks creating "a widespread illusion that it will enter into a government managing capitalist business-as-usual with Sinn Féin" [Rupture 4, 2021]. Unlike SFWP, an openly reformist and Stalinist party, PBP is led by revolutionary socialists: they would not enter such a government.

The past is not enough

The motif of this website is learning lessons from the past to apply today. Ireland shows the weakness of this approach. Ireland has changed immensely since the 1980s.

To round out this story, we would need current observations on Brexit, the re-ignited partition issue, the role of the women's movement in breaking the power of the Catholic church, and something about the Good Friday Agreement and the collapse of physical force republicanism. Socialist Republic only hints at the later developments

Brexit

Regarding Brexit, while written long before withdrawal, Socialist Republic contextualises Ireland's complex relationship with Britain and Europe. The Anglo-Irish Free Trade Agreement (1966) and Ireland's entry into the EEC (1973) deepened British "imperialist domination" over the Irish economy, a historical trajectory relevant to understanding the implications of the UK's departure from the EU. The political landscape in Northern Ireland, particularly within Unionism, has been significantly shaped by its relationship with the EEC, with figures like Ian Paisley gaining prominence since EEC elections. More broadly, the international instability, including the challenges faced by the Irish government, hints at a turbulent global context where the EU plays a role. The concept of "neo-colonial" relations and economic exploitation by Britain continues to be a lens through which Irish societal issues are viewed.

Partition

The partition issue is portrayed not as a new phenomenon but as a persistent challenge rooted deeply in Irish history. Partition was formalized in 1920, and "Northern Ireland" has negatively impacted the politics of the Republic through its very separation. Socialist Republic refers to it as the "sorest wound" of the Treaty settlement. Economic incentives, such as the British welfare state, helped maintain Northern Ireland's loyalty to Britain. Historically, anti-partition campaigns struggled to make direct appeals to Northern Protestants, and the ruling elites in both parts of Ireland sometimes collaborated on practical matters. Despite the "post Good Friday landscape," the "past not only not being dead in Ireland, but not even past". The enduring political and social stability in both the Republic and Northern Ireland has led to a degree of satisfaction with the "political status quo" among their populations, complicating efforts towards a "thirty-two county workers' republic".

Womens’ movements

The women's movement played a crucial role in breaking the power of the Catholic Church over Irish society. Historically, the Catholic Church wielded immense influence, becoming central to Irish nationalism and establishing control over public life, particularly education. Its power was institutionalized through the 1937 Constitution, which gave it a "special position" and prohibited divorce. The Church exerted a significant "veto on state policy," notably forcing the government to surrender on the "Mother and Child affair" health scheme. However, from the 1960s onwards, the global youth rebellion fostered challenges to traditional morality. The women's movement actively organized forums on "Health and Sexuality", campaigned for contraception and abortion rights, and pushed for "positive discrimination" within trade unions. Revolutionary socialist groups like Peoples Democracy explicitly linked women's oppression to clerical power and imperialism, advocating for independent women's organizing and a program to remove the Church's veto on state policy. This sustained pressure chipped away at the Church's institutionalized social and political authority.

After the GFA

Regarding the Good Friday Agreement and the collapse of physical force republicanism, the Socialist Republic did not address the Good Friday Agreement, but they describe a political landscape and significant transformation of Sinn Féin, which had been considered the political wing of a paramilitary organisation. Sinn Féin's shift towards mainstream politics involved "courting enterprise" and meeting business leaders, and its willingness to participate in governments demonstrated a move towards engagement within the established capitalist system. This moderation in their political program and approach, moving closer to traditional capitalist parties, marked a clear departure from armed struggle. While the state historically repressed physical force republicanism through various means, including executions, internment, and banning organisations, the sources suggest that the "militarist emphasis" of groups like the Provisional IRA was also seen as a strategic mistake. The idea that the "gun" was largely "out of Irish politics" in the Republic became a narrative, even if some discontent and minor armed elements persisted. The focus for some socialist and republican forces shifted towards achieving a "workers' state" through mass mobilization and class action, rather than through traditional physical force methods.

Forging a Real Left Future

The SP and PBP have a lot in common. Their alliance exists because they understand the central lesson from Labour's past and Sinn Féin's present: parties committed to working within the confines of capitalism cannot forge a genuine left future. A "left government," to be truly transformative, "must be one committed to socialist transformation," breaking with capitalism, challenging the obstruction of the rich, and encouraging mass struggles from below [Rupture 11, 2024; Socialist Alternative, 2023]. This requires a "revolutionary movement to create what Marxists would call a ‘workers’ state’" [Rupture 11, 2024]. Such a state would involve fundamental restructuring of the housing system, complete separation of church and state, nationalisation of banking and energy sectors, and consistent anti-imperialism [Rupture 11, 2024]. Crucially, it would need to be supported by "people’s assemblies" in workplaces and communities, forming the basis for a "radical new form of democracy" [Rupture 4, 2021; Rupture 11, 2024].

The path forward, as argued by revolutionary socialists, lies in building a "genuine left and socialist alternative" [Socialist Party, 2024] through education, agitation and organisation.

• Educationally (what 20th century Leninist might have called the propaganda of many ideas to the vanguard), this undoubtedly involves exposing the limitations of parties like Sinn Féin and Fianna Fáil, which are ultimately pro-capitalist, and advocating for policies that empower the working class [Socialist Alternative, 2023; Socialist Party, 2024].

• Agitationally, in terms of taking larger numbers of people into actions which shift their understanding of the world, is also means actively engaging with the aspirations of working-class people, not by "pouring cold water" on their hopes but by deepening their understanding of the root causes of crises and the necessity for anti-capitalist solutions [Rupture 11, 2024].

• Organizationally, that means building vibrant, self-organised movements, community organisations and anti-capitalist groups, using united front tactics.

Socialist politics must couple mass action to the building of a powerful and well-organised extra-parliamentary opposition that challenges the capitalist state's exploitation of labour, women, its repressive forces, etc. [SR, 1980 no.5; SR, 1980 no.3]. This includes a clear programme for economic self-sufficiency, public ownership of key sectors, and workers' control over enterprises [Lysaght, 2021; SR, 1981 no.1]. As James Connolly asserted, the working class remains "the incorruptible inheritors of the fight for Irish freedom" and the sole force capable of leading a socialist republic to victory [SR, 1980 no.5].

The current political moment, with growing popular distrust of major parties and instability in government, offers a "historic opportunity" for a genuinely socialist alternative to emerge [Rupture 4, 2021]. The challenge for socialists is to unite, present a clear, consistent programme of action, and mobilize working people to fight for a radical transformation of Irish society, without falling into the trap of managing capitalism or sowing illusions in pro-capitalist forces [SR, March 1982; Socialist Alternative, 2023]. This includes an imperative for public representatives to integrate criticisms of Sinn Féin's rightward moves consistently and to advocate for ecosocialist measures, while ruling out unconditional participation in a capitalist government [Rupture 11, 2024; Rupture 4, 2021].

References

• "Creative illusions": The ‘Left Government’ slogan today – Rupture 4, Summer 2021

• Debating Left Government: A response to the Socialist Party’s critique of People Before Profit – Rupture 11, March 2024

• Sinn Féin, PBP and the question of a left government in Ireland – Socialist Alternative issue #18, August 2023

• The folly of rising and falling with Sinn Féin – a reply to Rupture & PBP – Socialist Party, August 2024

• The resistable rise of Sinn Féin The Workers' Party – Socialist Republic, Vol 5, No 2, March 1982

• SDLP, 10 YEARS ON: FROM ONE BETRAYAL TO THE NEXT – Socialist Republic, Vol 3, No 6, November 1980

• Sinn Féin not committed to an anti-austerity left wing government – Irish Times, 5 December 2015

• Socialism and Nationalism – Socialist Republic, Vol 4, No 7, August 1981

• Lysaght, Rayner. "The Republic of Ireland" (complete book with 2021 introduction). 2021.

• The Plough, v2 no2, June 1973.

• Socialist Republic, Vol 5, No 1, 1982.

• Socialist Republic, Vol 5, October 1982.

• Socialist Republic, Vol 3, No 5, 1980.

• Socialist Republic, Vol 3, No 3, 1980.

• Socialist Republic, Vol 4, No 1, 1981.