The Fourth International, Palestine, and the 1948 World Congress
A Principled Stand in a Storm
In the tumultuous period leading up to and immediately following the Second World War, the Fourth International's engagement with the question of Palestine, as documented in the "Les congrès de la 4e" series and related sources, demonstrates a principled and historically significant stance that was broadly correct in its analysis and proposed strategy. In an era dominated by imperialist maneuvers, rising nationalisms, and the devastating legacy of the Holocaust, the International sought to apply the fundamental tenets of revolutionary Marxism to a rapidly unfolding tragedy.
The Fourth International did not approach the "problem of Palestine" as an abstract theoretical exercise. Its engagement was concrete and rooted in the presence of a Palestinian section of the Fourth International, which actively participated in international discussions and conferences from the early 1930s onward. The attendance of Palestinian delegates at events like the International Left Opposition pre-conference in 1933 and the preparatory conference in April 1946 highlights the International's commitment to incorporating perspectives from the ground.
Even at the founding conference in September 1938, the Palestine question was raised within the Polish commission, leading to a debate and an amendment proposal concerning the elaboration of the International's program on this specific issue. While the amendment itself did not pass at that precise moment, the discussion underscored the recognition that the "specific problem of Palestine" required careful consideration within the broader revolutionary program. This early engagement, even before the full scale of post-war developments became apparent, reveals a foresight and dedication to addressing concrete national and colonial questions.
The International's position was fundamentally shaped by the anti-imperialist and internationalist core of Trotskyist theory. A central tenet, echoing Trotsky himself, was the crucial distinction between the nationalism of the oppressed and that of the oppressors. Revolutionary socialists, in this framework, were obligated to actively "penetrate into the midst of the oppressed nations; it raises them up against their oppressors; it ties up their struggle with the struggle of the proletariat in capitalist countries". This meant supporting the struggles of colonised peoples against their imperial rulers and viewing it as "perfectly legitimate for these peoples to exploit the difficulties of their imperialism to liberate themselves." This perspective directly informed the approach to Palestine, identifying British imperialism as the primary obstacle to liberation.
The Second World Congress, held in Paris in April 1948, was a pivotal moment, convening as the British Mandate was ending and escalating conflict loomed. Colonial issues were prominent on the agenda, with dedicated commissions and reports. The positions adopted here represent a crystallization of the International's line in the face of the imperialist-driven partition and the resulting violence.
The Congress articulated clear views on the future of the region, advocating for the "unification of Arab countries into Federations of free Arab republics". This demonstrated a recognition that the struggle in Palestine was part of a wider regional dynamic and that imperialist fragmentation needed to be overcome through voluntary, independent unity.
Furthermore, the International explicitly directed its sections to combat the various forces hindering genuine liberation. This included "against British and French imperialism, against the imperialist intervention of the United States", identifying the external powers responsible for manipulating the situation and imposing their will. Crucially, it also meant struggle "against land owners complicit with imperialists, and against the Arab League", recognising the role of internal reactionary forces, including the bourgeois and feudal elements and their political formations, in suppressing the mass movement and serving the interests of imperialism. Alongside this, the demand for fundamental democratic rights, such as Constituent Assemblies and the widest possible democracy, was seen as essential for the masses to determine their own future.
Regarding the immediate, burning question of Palestine, the Second World Congress took a decisive and principled stand by rejecting the division of Palestine. This was a direct and unequivocal opposition to the United Nations Partition Plan, correctly identifying it as an imperialist imposition designed to serve the interests of external powers and local reactionaries rather than the genuine needs of the working class and poor of the region, regardless of national origin. Partition was understood as a recipe for future conflict, pitting communities against each other along national lines rather than fostering class solidarity against common exploiters.
The strategy flowing from these positions for socialists operating within Palestine and the broader region was multifaceted:
To build a revolutionary party adhering to the program of the Fourth International, grounded in the realities of the local class struggle.
To organise the working class and the poor, actively seeking to unite Arab and Jewish workers based on their shared class interests against the common enemies: imperialism, the nascent Zionist state as an instrument of colonisation, and the reactionary Arab ruling classes and their political bodies.
To fight for democratic demands as part of a transitional program aimed at mobilising the masses and building towards socialist revolution.
To oppose all forms of national chauvinism that served to divide the working class and poor, and specifically to fight against the imperialist-imposed division of the land.
To advocate for the unification of Palestine as part of a larger process leading to a federation of free Arab republics, understanding that national liberation was inseparable from the broader project of socialist revolution in the region and globally.
The positions adopted at the 1948 Congress represent a coherent and courageous application of revolutionary socialist principles to a deeply challenging colonial situation. They stood in stark contrast to the policies of both imperialist powers and the various bourgeois and petty-bourgeois nationalisms in the region, offering a path forward based on the independent struggle and unity of the working masses. While the International faced immense obstacles in implementing this line in practice, its theoretical clarity and principled opposition to imperialist dictates and national divisions remain a testament to its commitment to genuine liberation.
Bibliography
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