The Fourth International and the Spanish Civil War

The tragedy of the POUM's journey to popular frontism and bloody defeat

In François Moreau's "Combats et Débats de la IVe Internationale", the Spanish Revolution of 1936-1939 is presented as a crucial historical event that provided a decisive test for various political currents, particularly anarchism. The Fourth International, though founded officially in 1938 towards the end of the revolution, offered a critical analysis of the events and the role played by different actors.

Context of the Spanish Revolution:

Moreau describes how a Popular Front coalition won the elections in Spain in February 1936 on a minimal democratic programme. This was deemed too much by the reactionary ruling classes, leading to a military coup attempt in July 1936 under General Franco. However, the massive reaction of the working class thwarted the coup in many areas, dividing the country into Republican and Francoist zones.

Dual Power and Political Forces:

Within the Republican zone, a dual power situation emerged between the official Republican government and the workers' militias, which had formed spontaneously and even established a central committee as an embryo of a rival government. The political landscape was complicated by the presence of oppressed nationalities (Catalonia and the Basque Country) and the diversity of workers' movement currents. Notably, Spain had a mass anarchist movement, the CNT-FAI, the country's main trade union force. Another significant group was the Workers' Party of Marxist Unification (POUM), formed from the fusion of the Spanish Left Opposition (led by Andrés Nin) and a "right" communist opposition group, which quickly grew to tens of thousands of members, much larger than the Trotskyists in France.

The Role of the Spanish Communist Party:

According to Moreau, the Spanish Communist Party became the most zealous champion of bourgeois normalisation in the Republican zone4 . This included restoring a regular (bourgeois) army, returning seized enterprises to their owners, and repressing workers' and peasants' struggles and left-wing elements. The POUM was the first victim of this, being excluded from the government. The left wing of the Socialist Party was also targeted, with Largo Caballero being replaced by the right-wing socialist Negrín as head of the government in early 1937. Soviet material aid gave increasing weight to the Communist Party, which also benefited from the support of the Soviet secret police. Ultimately, the forces of counter-revolution prevailed.

The Collapse of Anarchism:

Moreau argues that the Spanish Revolution provided a decisive test for anarchism, particularly the CNT-FAI. Despite being the predominant force in the workers' movement in a revolutionary situation, the anarchists chose to become the "fifth wheel of the cart of the Popular Front" and even provided ministers to the government until they were no longer needed. This was justified by the "exceptional circumstances" of the fascist threat and the need to defend "democracy". Trotsky and, by extension, the nascent Fourth International, harshly criticised this role, pointing out the contradiction of anarchists who rejected the state in principle but made an exception to join a seriously threatened bourgeois state. This decision to collaborate with the Popular Front government, instead of leading the revolutionary upsurge, is presented as a key factor in the historical and irreparable defeat for anarchism in Spain. Moreau notes that the anarchist current became insignificant in the country following the revolution.

The Role of the POUM:

Trotsky also strongly criticised the POUM's role in these events. Instead of taking the lead in the May 1937 workers' uprising, where its base was at the forefront, the POUM leadership offered its good offices for a negotiated solution. Having been expelled from the coalition, the POUM was then targeted for repression.

The Fourth International's Analysis:

Although the Fourth International was formally founded in 1938, towards the end of the Spanish Civil War, its origins in the Left Opposition meant it had been following and analysing the situation closely.. The analysis presented in "Combats et Débats" aligns with Trotsky's critiques, highlighting the failure of the anarchist leadership to seize the revolutionary opportunity and the POUM's centrism and lack of decisive revolutionary leadership. The text implies that the Fourth International, based on its understanding of revolutionary theory and the need for a clear break with bourgeois forces, saw the trajectory of the Spanish Revolution as a confirmation of the dangers of reformism and the limitations of anarchism in achieving a socialist transformation. The events in Spain reinforced the Fourth International's belief in the necessity of building independent, revolutionary Marxist parties capable of leading the working class to power.

"Combats et Débats de la IVe Internationale" portrays the Spanish Revolution as a crucial historical moment that exposed the limitations of anarchism and centrism. The Fourth International, emerging from the Trotskyist Left Opposition, viewed the collaboration of the CNT-FAI with the Popular Front as a betrayal of revolutionary principles and a key factor in the revolution's defeat, leading to a historical collapse of the anarchist movement in Spain. The POUM's indecisiveness in key moments was also criticised. These events underscored the Fourth International's conviction in the need for a consistently revolutionary Marxist programme and independent working-class leadership to achieve socialist revolution.

Alan Thornett's 1995 article about the Spanish Revolution is a great summary of his longer work in 'Ending the Nightmare', the Socialist Outlook book about European fascism.