Jeremy Corbyn & Zarah Sultana's New Path in Britain

Lessons from the Socialist Labour Party (SLP) and the Socialist Alliance in the 1990s

As discussions continue around the potential formation of a new left party in Britain, potentially involving figures like Jeremy Corbyn and Zarah Sultana, it is crucial for British socialists to reflect on the historical attempts to build alternatives to the Labour Party. The experiences of the Socialist Labour Party (SLP) and the Socialist Alliance in the 1990s offer invaluable lessons, particularly concerning internal democracy, strategic focus, and the challenges of a transforming political landscape.

The Pitfalls of "Stalinist Control": The Socialist Labour Party Experience

A paramount lesson from past attempts is the necessity of a genuinely democratic and inclusive internal regime. The Socialist Labour Party (SLP), founded by Arthur Scargill in 1996 in response to Tony Blair's New Labour and the abandonment of Clause IV, ultimately suffered from Scargill's tight, almost Stalinist, control [Beyond Scargill’s Shadow]. This control led to arbitrary exclusions of individuals, groups, and even branches, which stifled internal debate and deterred many socialists from joining. Scargill's refusal to discuss the proposed SLP constitution with anyone outside his narrow circle of "sycophants" was typical of his bureaucratic methodology, effectively "cutting off his nose to spite his face" by alienating potential allies like the proto-Scottish Socialist Party [A Balance Sheet of the SLP Experience, ITO].

The SLP's founding conference in May 1996, despite its stated aim for "international socialism" and the "abolition of capitalism," was characterized by "procedural objections" and "points of order" used to sweep policy items off the agenda, effectively "interventions" by other left organizations eager to shape the nascent SLP in their own image [Contemporary Politics v4 no1 1998 Socialist Labour Party]. The party's constitution, drafted by lawyers with "precise precision" to "stifle raiding parties," was used bureaucratically by Scargill to rule resolutions challenging his politics "out of order," including those on immigration controls which led to black members leaving [Socialist Perspectives and Socialist Democracy Group public meeting Cardiff leaflet]. Critics within the SLP, such as those from Socialist Labour Action, consistently fought Scargill's "witch hunt" and his allies, who were accused of running the party like a "medieval fiefdom" and blocking any changes to its "left reformist mish-mash" program [Socialist Labour Action SLP conference December 1997].

Some within the far-left believed the SLP's failure was due to this lack of internal democracy, though others argued that a party could develop a mass base even with little internal democracy, citing examples of mass reformist, Stalinist, centrist, and petit bourgeois nationalist parties. However, the SLP's internal regime became repressive after it failed to achieve success, solidifying into a "Stalinist rump" that pushed out former leaders and replaced them with "openly anti-gay bigots". A new party, therefore, must foster openness, pluralism, and robust internal democracy to build a broad base and avoid becoming a lifeless shell.

Programme and Electoral Strategy: Avoiding Past Mistakes

The SLP's programmatic clarity was another weakness. Its practical agenda largely remained within militant reformism, despite its declared aim for international socialism and the abolition of capitalism. The program was criticized for combining "wild aspiration with improbable detail" and for being more reminiscent of the Alternative Economic Strategy of the British Communist Party in the mid-seventies.

Electorally, the SLP's initial pledge to contest every constituency proved over-ambitious and often led to poor results and lost deposits. For example, in the Hemsworth by-election, the SLP candidate took fourth place with 5.4% of the vote . Furthermore, its refusal to tactically endorse Labour candidates where it did not stand unnecessarily alienated parts of the Labour left. Some in the SLP argued for supporting Labour candidates where the SLP was not standing, recognizing that Labour still had the support of millions of workers [Socialist Labour Action no1- November 1996]. The lesson for any future party is to adopt a pragmatic electoral approach, prioritizing impact and avoiding actions that fragment the left vote.

The Challenge of Broad Alliances and Left Unity: Lessons from the Socialist Alliances

The Scottish Socialist Alliance (SA) emerged as another attempt to create a broader left alternative. It aimed to "unite all communists, socialists and militant activists in a struggle to achieve a Scottish Workers' Republic" [British Supporters ITO- In Defence of Marxism v2 no1 Summer Autumn 1998.pdf]. Unlike the SLP, Socialist Alliances initially chose not to stand in the 1997 General Election, confining its activities to trade union solidarity and other campaigning [International Left Tendency World Congress Bulletin no4 2002.pdf]. This approach was seen by some as a "waste of a lot of time", but other say that building abase allow it to gained momentum when standing in elections in the new millennium. The importance of timely intervention in elections to gain a national platform for policies is clearly one to study [International Left Tendency World Congress Bulletin no4 2002.pdf].

The SAs also faced internal dynamics regarding its nature, debating whether it was a united front of social democrats and communists or a Marxist bloc [ISN Conference Bulletin 1 2013.pdf]. The Socialist Workers Party (SWP), a main voice in the SA, advocated for more propaganda for socialist ideas, but critics wisely argued that such a "propagandist approach never convinces significant layers of workers" without also offering concrete solutions to material problems [Workers International Press no32.pdf]. The broader challenge for any alliance or party is to provide national political expression for widespread opposition to issues like war, privatization, and neoliberalism [IV 413]. For a new party to succeed, it must articulate a "consistently class-struggle program that connects immediate demands... to the fundamental transformation of society, rather than merely seeking reforms within capitalism".

Navigating the Labour Party and the Starmer Purge: Contemporary Relevance

The current Labour Party, under Keir Starmer, presents a stark new context for left party formation. Starmer's leadership has systematically moved the party away from its traditional commitments to meek democratic socialism, a process described as "almost indistinguishable from the Democratic Party in the United States" [Contemporary Politics, op. cit.]. Labour has adopted self-imposed fiscal rules similar to the previous Conservative administration, which means its effectiveness as a vehicle for working-class interests has diminished. There has been no improvement in hardship measures for low-income families, with real disposable incomes projected to fall further under current plans, making the case for an alternative stronger.

Starmer's consolidation of power and marginalisation of the left within Labour have been decisive and brutal, often "blindsiding" those who did not expect such actions [Starmer Suspends Corbyn: Initial Thoughts and Strategic Implications]. He has used tactics such as the removal of the whip from figures like Jeremy Corbyn, bypassing official party bodies, and controlling candidate selection to reshape the party. The 20th century argument that socialists should "hang on inside Labour because the left can win and hold useful positions from which it can build" is demolished by this "iron control" [Starmer's Purge: Corbyn Banned from Labour Candidacy]. The decision to ban Corbyn from standing as a Labour candidate, for instance, serves to express the "party profile that he wants" and enables him to "flush out even more people on the left to expel".

This last decade has seen a "deliberate project by the political opponents of socialism" to create a "widespread perception that the Labour Party is riddled with anti-Semitism," a narrative used to incite "debilitating division within the party" and turn Jewish people against Labour [Corbyn and the Truth: A Suspension of Reality]. Figures like Jeremy Corbyn, who stated that any problem of anti-semitism in the Labour Party was "dramatically overstated for political reasons," were suspended, highlighting the suppression of dissent within the party [The Corbyn Lie: Defending Palestine and Truth].

Corbyn's "Peace and Justice Project" reflects an attempt to maintain left engagement outside the party, with a focus on "internationalism" and campaigning, although it has been criticized for being a "top-down Stop the War/Morning Star type set-up" with no clear mechanism for thousands to participate in decisions [Corbyn's Peace and Justice Project Reviewed]. This approach, while keeping activists involved, risks repeating the centralisation issues that plagued earlier left projects and offers a bad omen for the new party. THis good news is that Corbyn stresses the need for socialists to be "organised on an international basis" and to strengthen "working class organizations" to challenge global capital [Corbyn: Organising Internationally for Peace and Justice].

Building a Credible, Democratic Socialist Alternative

The lessons from the 1990s and the current political climate underscore several critical points for any new socialist party project:

• Democratic and Community-Based Structure: As indicated, a new party risks a "slow death" unless it is democratic and community-based. It must be "open, pluralistic and democratic," with a broad leadership, and avoid the "arbitrary exclusions" seen in the SLP [Socialist Perspectives and Socialist Democracy Group public meeting Cardiff.pdf].

• Connecting with the Working Class: The task is to "bring people in the party into social movements, united fronts, and community organizations" [ISN Conference Bulletin 1 2013.pdf]. The focus should be on encouraging the "self-organization of the working class" and building "socialism from below".

• Strategic, Not Dogmatic, Electoralism: While an independent voice is necessary, the party should avoid over-ambitious electoral pledges and strategically choose where to stand, rather than "boycotting ourselves" [ISG 1995 PCDB no8 December.pdf]. It should seek to "develop joint work and dialogue with the left wing inside the Labour Party" and other significant groups [British Supporters ITO- In Defence of Marxism v2 no1 Summer Autumn 1998.pdf].

• Combatting Sectarianism and Bureaucracy: It is essential to work with "anyone who is serious about building a credible socialist alternative" [British Supporters ITO- In Defence of Marxism v2 no1 Summer Autumn 1998.pdf]. The tendency to "rule out-of-order any resolutions challenging" the leadership, as seen in the SLP, must be actively combatted [Socialist Perspectives and Socialist Democracy Group public meeting Cardiff.pdf]. A true revolutionary intervention should avoid "sterile, sectarian posturing" [British Supporters ITO- In Defence of Marxism v2 no1 Summer Autumn 1998.pdf].

• Programmatic Consistency and Clarity: The party needs a "consistently class-struggle programme" that connects immediate demands to fundamental societal transformation, avoiding mere "militant reformism".

The widespread frustration at Blair in the Labour movement created the pressure that was harnessed by the SLP, Socialist Alliances and the Scottish Socialist Party. The current political climate, marked by Starmer's shift to the right and the marginalisation of the Labour left, similarly creates a space. However, success will depend on these new initiatives learning from the past, embracing genuine democracy, and building a broad, active, and rooted movement capable of truly challenging capitalism. We need to create a creative open space to reflect why we failed to build a movement in the 20th century capable of at least trying to emancipate humanity from oppressive and exploitative social relationships.