The left has a unity problem. From the AWL's sectarian attacks on Ernest Mandel to the endless splits plaguing revolutionary organizations worldwide, our movements seem trapped in cycles of fragmentation and internal warfare. But what if there's another way?
In today's episode, we explore how Ernest Mandel and the Fourth International have developed practical strategies for building revolutionary strength through united fronts and genuine internal democracy. Drawing lessons from the post-Soviet era's challenges, we examine concrete methods for managing disagreement without destroying organizations, building coalitions without compromising principles, and fostering the kind of comradely cooperation that can actually challenge capitalism.
This isn't abstract theory - it's about the organizational practices that determine whether revolutionary movements succeed or fragment into irrelevance. We'll look at real examples of how international solidarity work, democratic debate structures, and strategic patience can overcome the sectarian impulses that have weakened the left for decades.
Because in a world facing climate collapse and rising authoritarianism, revolutionary organizations can't afford another generation of destructive division.
The Fourth International's Path to Unity: Fostering Debate and Common Action in a Complex Era
Understanding how to operate effectively in the complex post-Soviet world necessitates a careful and scrupulous effort to maintain comradely common work between revolutionary organisations, both within and outside the Fourth International (FI). This requires a nuanced approach to managing contradictions, fostering honest political debate, and encouraging closer cooperation in trade unions, social movements, and united fronts.
The Fourth International's historical experience demonstrates its commitment to preserving and developing revolutionary continuity amidst global challenges. Its organisational model, rooted in the legacy of October Revolution and Trotsky's opposition to Stalinism, has consistently emphasised internal democracy, open debate, and collective leadership. This approach is crucial for navigating differences, whether they arise within existing sections or between the FI and other revolutionary currents.
When contradictions emerge within sections of the Fourth International, the goal is not necessarily to impose a singular, rigid line immediately, but to foster unity and eventual reunification. The FI has, at times, recognized multiple organisations within the same country as components of its section, with the long-term objective of reconstituting a unified whole. This allows for the maintenance of comrades within a shared framework, preventing fragmentation and splits which have historically plagued the movement. All members, including minorities, have the duty to carry out democratically decided lines, while their rights are also affirmed. The process of political debate should be deep and decisive, involving the entire international community, rather than being imposed by external forces.
In the context of Brazil, for instance, where the FI section includes several organisations, the approach has been to encourage regular discussions and define a protocol for future functioning that prevents the hegemony of any single organisation and ensures representation for all parts in international leadership bodies. This openness acknowledges political differences but prioritises finding convergences through practice and ongoing dialogue.
Beyond internal dynamics, the Fourth International's strategy for engaging with other revolutionary socialist traditions, including those deemed opportunist or sectarian, is fundamentally shaped by the united front tactic. This tactic is seen as essential for avoiding sectarian isolation and connecting with the broader working class. Its purpose is to unify the working class through common action, even with reformist organisations, with the ultimate goal of leading the masses towards socialist ideas. This approach requires the revolutionary party to be strongly organised and possess clear ideas to navigate the potential dangers of opportunism, such as being pulled in a less revolutionary direction or diluting the revolutionary programme.
Maintaining class independence from bourgeois or reformist forces is a core principle. While engagement in united fronts is crucial, it must not compromise the distinct revolutionary character and programme of the organisation. The FI rejects participation in bourgeois governments or those promoting class collaboration. This principled stance ensures that the struggle remains focused on the interests of the working class as a whole, rather than subordinating them to other priorities.
The FI also advocates for building "broad parties" that can bring together various revolutionary Marxists beyond just Trotskyists. This is not a departure from the strategic goal of building a mass revolutionary party, but a practical means to unify non-sectarian revolutionaries. Organisations like the Movimento Esquerda Socialista (MES) in Brazil or NPA-L'Anticapitaliste in France are considered for integration into the International within this framework, despite existing disagreements. Such integration aims to avoid the "political gangrene" of sectarianism and to foster unity of action.
To develop comradely relations and closer cooperation, the Fourth International emphasises several key areas:
• Active participation in social movements: This includes trade unions, neighbourhood movements, women's, LGBTIQ, environmental, and anti-war movements. The objective is to advance demands that challenge capitalist policies and to promote the movements' independence from state power.
• Confrontation of analyses and experiences: The FI serves as a vital forum for militants from different countries to share their experiences and analyses, enriching the collective understanding of the global class struggle.
• Coordinated international initiatives: Strengthening the capacity to launch international campaigns and initiatives, such as those for anti-apartheid or in solidarity with revolutionary movements, is crucial for expressing internationalist solidarity and making the FI's programme known globally.
• Feminization and youth integration: Conscious efforts are made to ensure that the leadership bodies of the International are more representative of women and younger comrades, reflecting the diversity and vitality of the revolutionary movement.
• Developing international publications and education: A coherent international press, including publications like International Viewpoint and Inprecor, alongside educational activities through institutes, is essential for disseminating ideas, fostering political debate, and training new generations of revolutionaries.
In essence, navigating the complexities of the post-Soviet world and beyond demands that the Fourth International, and all revolutionary organisations, engage in rigorous self-reflection, maintain principled political independence, and pursue a strategy of broad unity in action. By fostering internal democracy, engaging in honest political debate, and actively cooperating across different movements and traditions, it is possible to build a stronger, more coherent revolutionary force capable of confronting capitalism's multifaceted crises and advancing the cause of human emancipation.
